Optimality Theory 1st edition by Rene Kager ISBN 0521589800 978-0521589802

1 Conflicts in grammars

1.1 Introduction: goals of linguistic theory

1.1.1 Universality

1.1.2 Markedness

1.2 Basic concepts of OT

1.2.1 Language as a system of conflicting universal forces

1.2.2 Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness

1.2.3 The OT grammar as an input–output device

1.2.4 Constraints: universality and violability

1.2.5 Optimality: domination and conflict

1.3 Examples of constraint interaction

1.3.1 Neutralization of voicing contrast in Dutch

1.3.2 Preservation of voicing contrast in English

1.3.3 The relation between universal and language-specific

1.4 The architecture of an OT grammar

1.4.1 The LEXICON, and Richness of the Base

1.4.2 The GENERATOR, and Freedom of Analysis

1.4.3 The EVALUATOR: economy, strict domination, and parallelism

1.4.4 Fear of infinity

1.5 Interactions of markedness and faithfulness

1.5.1 Allophonic variation

1.5.2 Neutralization and contrast as constraint rankings

1.6 Lexicon Optimization

1.7 A factorial typology of markedness and faithfulness

1.7.1 Typological goals of OT

1.7.2 Constructing a factorial typology

1.7.3 Neutralization: lack of variation versus allophonic variation

1.7.4 Contrast: positional neutralization versus full contrast

1.7.5 Positional neutralization of voice in Dutch

1.7.6 Typology: some preliminary conclusions

1.8 On defining segment inventories

1.8.1 Markedness constraints on scales

1.8.2 Interaction of markedness scales and faithfulness

1.8.3 Conclusions and predictions

1.9 Conclusion

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

General introductions to phonology

Constraints in phonology

General introductions to OT

Founding papers of OT

Phonetic grounding of constraints

Markedness and underspecification

OT in computational phonology

EXERCISES

1 Japanese

2 English

2 The typology of structural changes

2.1 Introduction

2.1.1 An initial comparison with rule-based theory

2.1.1.1 Triggers and changes

2.1.1.2 The notion of ‘structural change’

2.1.2 Two differences between OT and rule-based theory

2.1.2.1 Conspiracies and the functional unity of processes

2.1.2.2 Intermediate levels in derivations

2.2 Nasal substitution and related effects

2.2.1 Nasal substitution in Indonesian

2.2.2 Alternative strategies to satisfy *NC

2.2.2.1 Deletion and MAX-IO

2.2.2.2 Epenthesis and DEP-IO

2.2.2.3 Post-nasal voicing and IDENT-IO(voice)

2.2.2.4 Denasalization and IDENT-IO(nasal)

2.2.2.5 A summary of *NC effects

2.2.3 Morphological effects

2.2.3.1 Root-internal blocking

2.2.3.2 An alternative analysis

2.3 The typology of *NC effects

2.3.1 Nasal deletion in Kelantan Malay

2.3.2 Vowel epenthesis

2.3.3 Post-nasal voicing in Puyu Pungo Quechua

2.3.4 Denasalization in Mandar

2.3.5 The typology of *NC effects: conclusions

2.4 Conspiracies of nasal substitution and other processes

2.5 Conclusion: a comparison with rule-based theory

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Rule-ordering theory

Rules versus constraints

Segmental versus featural identity

Factorial typology

EXERCISES

1 A *NC conspiracy in Modern Greek

2 Kikuyu verbs

3 Voicing assimilation in Dutch

3 Syllable structure and economy

3.1 Introduction

3.2 The basic syllable typology

3.2.1 Onsets and codas

3.2.2 Complex onsets and codas

3.3 Epenthesis and the conflict of well-formedness and faithfulness

3.3.1 A brief history of epenthesis

3.3.2 Introducing two correspondence constraints

3.3.2.1 The ‘anti-epenthesis’ constraint DEP-IO

3.3.2.2 The ‘anti-deletion’ constraint MAX-IO

3.3.3 Economy, or against excessive epenthesis

3.3.3.1 Predictions about epenthesis

3.3.3.2 Minimal epenthesis in Lenakel

3.3.4 Alignment and epenthesis

3.3.4.1 Alignment and epenthesis in Axininca Campa

3.3.4.2 Alignment and epenthesis in Lenakel

3.4 Generalized Alignment

3.4.1 The format of alignment constraints

3.4.2 Alignment and infixation in Tagalog

3.5 The quality of epenthetic segments

3.5.1 Minimal markedness and contextual colouring

3.5.2 The epenthetic vowels of Lenakel

3.5.3 Epenthetic morphemes

3.6 Coda conditions

3.6.1 Homorganic clusters in Japanese

3.6.2 Vowel epenthesis in Ponapean

3.6.3 Consonant deletion in Diola-Fogny

3.6.4 Coda conditions: a comparison with rule-based theory

3.7 Conclusion

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

The syllable in phonological theory

Syllables in OT

Alignment and syllabification

EXERCISES

1 -um-infixation in Ilokano

2 Epenthesis in Harari

4 Metrical structure and parallelism

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Word stress: general background

4.2.1 Four cross-linguistic preferences

4.2.2 An alphabet of prosodic categories

4.3 Case-study: rhythmic lengthening in Hixkaryana

4.3.1 A rule-based analysis

4.3.2 An OT analysis

4.3.3 Conclusions

4.4 A set of metrical constraints

4.4.1 Rhythm: FT-BIN, PARSE-SYL, and ALL-FT-X

4.4.2 Culminativity: GRWD=PRWD and word minima

4.4.3 Demarcative stress: ALIGN-HD and ALIGN-WD

4.4.4 A factorial typology of rhythmic and demarcative constraints

4.4.5 Quantity-sensitivity and foot form: WSP and RHTYPE

4.5 Case-study: rhythmic syncope in Southeastern Tepehuan

4.5.1 Accent and syncope: the patterns

4.5.2 An OT analysis

4.5.3 Alternative: a rule-based analysis

4.5.4 Parallel interactions between prosodic levels

4.6 Conclusions

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Metrical phonology

Metrical studies in OT

EXERCISES

1 Wargamay

2 Manam

3 Murinbata

4 Warlpiri

5 A factorial typology of stress systems

5 Correspondence in reduplication

5.1 Introduction

5.1.1 Shape invariance

5.1.2 Unmarkedness of the reduplicant

5.1.3 Identity of reduplicant and base

5.1.4 The Basic Model

5.1.5 Organization of this chapter

5.2 Reduplicative identity: the constraints

5.2.1 The notions ‘reduplicant’, ‘base’, and ‘correspondence’

5.2.2 MAX, DEP, and IDENT

5.2.2.1 Violation of MAX-BR in Nootka

5.2.2.2 Violation of DEP-BR in Makassarese

5.2.2.3 Violation of IDENT-BR in Akan

5.2.3 Why input faithfulness and reduplicative identity cannot be unified

5.2.4 ANCHORING and CONTIGUITY

5.2.4.1 Violation of ANCHORING in Sanskrit

5.2.4.2 Violation of CONTIGUITY in Sanskrit

5.2.5 The emergence of the unmarked

5.3 From classical templates to generalized templates

5.3.1 The ‘classical template’ in Agta

5.3.2 The Generalized Template in Diyari

5.4 From circumscription to alignment

5.4.1 Infixing reduplication and prosodic circumscription

5.4.2 Infixing reduplication and alignment

5.5 ‘Classical ’ versus OT-based prosodic morphology: conclusions

5.6 Overapplication and underapplication in reduplication

5.6.1 Introduction

5.6.2 Normal application in Washo

5.6.3 Overapplication in Malay

5.6.4 Underapplication in Japanese

5.6.5 The case for parallelism: base copies reduplicant in Southern Paiute

5.7 Summary of Correspondence Theory

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Pre-OT studies of prosodic morphology

Correspondence Theory

Reduplication

Coalescence

Metathesis

Featural identity

Miscellaneous

EXERCISES

1 Reduplication in Axininca Campa

2 Reduplication in Oykangand

3 Infixing reduplication in Pangasinan

4 Infixing reduplication in Mangarayi

5 A factorial typology of reduplicative systems

6 Output-to-output correspondence

6.1 Introduction

6.2 Identity effects in truncation

6.2.1 Introduction

6.2.2 Truncation in American English

6.2.2.1 An OO-correspondence analysis

6.2.2.2 A derivational analysis

6.2.3 Truncation: the Basic Model

6.2.4 Truncation in Icelandic

6.2.4.1 Introducing the pattern

6.2.4.2 Sonority restrictions

6.2.4.3 Quantitative restrictions

6.2.4.4 OO-correspondence in truncation

6.2.4.5 A derivational analysis

6.3 Identity effects in stem-based affixation

6.3.1 Identity and stem-based affixation in English

6.3.2 Stem-based affixation: the Basic Model

6.4 The cycle versus base-identity

6.4.1 Introduction

6.4.2 Underapplication of syncope in Palestinian Arabic

6.4.2.1 The cyclic analysis

6.4.2.2 The base-identity analysis

6.4.3 The cycle versus base-identity

6.4.4 Epenthesis and opacity of metrical structure

6.4.5 Conclusions

6.5 Output-to-output correspondence: conclusions

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Identity in truncation

Identity in affixation

The phonology–morphology interface

EXERCISES

1 Spanish

2 Belfast English

3 Factorial typology of OO-correspondence

7 Learning OT grammars

7.1 Introduction

7.2 Learning constraint rankings

7.2.1 Defining the problem

7.2.2 The constraint demotion algorithm: basic ideas

7.3 Learning the Pintupi grammar of stress

7.3.1 The target grammar

7.3.2 Defining the task of the learning algorithm

7.3.3 The initial state, and Mark-Data Pairs

7.3.4 Mark Cancellation

7.3.5 Recursive Ranking: basic ideas

7.3.5.1 Recursive Ranking in action

7.3.5.2 Robustness of Recursive Ranking

7.3.5.3 Why demotion must be minimal

7.4 The learning algorithm: discussion

7.5 Learning alternations and input representations

7.5.1 The nature of the problem

7.5.2 Learning the hierarchy on the basis of correct inputs

7.5.3 Learning the hierarchy without given inputs

7.5.3.1 Setting the trap

7.5.3.2 Restructuring input forms

7.5.4 Intervocalic voicing in child language

7.5.5 Discussion

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Parameters

Connectionist models

Constraint ranking software

Child phonology

Syntactic acquisition

EXERCISES

1 Why the learner must use stratified hierarchies

2 Learning input forms under positional faithfulness

8 Extensions to syntax

8.1 Introduction

8.2 OT and syntax

8.2.1 OT-based syntax: general assumptions

8.2.2 Defining the input of syntax

8.2.3 Defining Gen for syntax

8.2.4 Defining the syntactic constraint inventory

8.3 The structure of extended verbal projections in English

8.3.1 Wh-movement and subject–auxiliary inversion

8.3.2 Do-support

8.3.2.1 The pattern

8.3.2.2 The analysis

8.4 Typological consequences

8.4.1 The general typology

8.4.2 Variations on subject–verb inversion

8.5 Conclusions

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Minimalist syntax

OT syntax

Syntax–phonology interaction

9 Residual issues

9.1 Introduction

9.2 Opacity

9.2.1 Introduction

9.2.2 Two-level well-formedness

9.2.3 Intermediate levels

9.2.4 OO-correspondence

9.2.5 Sympathy

9.2.6 Local Conjunction

9.3 Absolute ungrammaticality

9.4 Free variation

9.5 Positional faithfulness

9.6 Underlying Representations versus allomorphy

9.7 Conclusion: future perspectives

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Opacity and OT

Local Conjunction

Absolute ungrammaticality

Free variation

Positional faithfulness

Allomorphy

Functional approaches to phonology

REFERENCES

INDEX OF LANGUAGES

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

INDEX OF CONSTRAINTS